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Tuesday, January 21, 2025

Albania’s EU Accession: Only Together, Only Without Rama

By Christiaan Seegers

While in many other states in the Western Balkans, accession to the European Union is a central question and a source of ambition to take measure, however small or symbolic those might be.

In Albania, a key problem is that a transformation similar to EU accession, which would affect all aspects of life, could only be achieved with the strong support of a powerful and/or broad social group, but such support is currently lacking in Albania.

Edi Rama is a Substantial Braking Force but There is Much More To Be Done Beyond Him

As a consequence, the highly centralised state and its leadership, including Prime Minister Edi Rama, are not under any pressure to do everything possible to achieve full membership as soon as possible. This is borne out by several statements made by Prime Minister Rama, for example in relation to the 2030 deadline for Albania’s accession, which was previously ‘pushed’ by the European Council (and then supported by Enlargement Commissioner Várhelyi). The essence of this is that he does not insist on precise dates, but rather wants to see the process moving forward, backed by real rapprochement, with Albania’s “homework” being fully done.

 

In the near future, there may still be problems that could hamper the Albanian integration process. According to Steven Van Hecke, professor at KU Leuven University in Belgium, there is serious concern that the Albanian community, which has been operating in the black and grey economy, involved in organised crime and accumulating considerable wealth, has started to infiltrate the ‘white economy’, buying property in upmarket neighbourhoods in cities such as Antwerp. It is a telling sign that the Belgian presidency’s priorities include the fight against organised crime, which, by targeting Albanian criminal groups and corruption in the mainland, could stall the negotiations. In the so-called “Metamorphosis” scandal (the hacking of Sky and EncroChat encrypted communication applications widely used by criminal circles, messages confirming links of Albanian businessmen and politicians to organised crime), the Belgian authorities have not yet provided all the evidence. However, it is possible that this will be brought up in the context of the Belgian Presidency priority. The issue of Albanian organised crime may also be raised during the parliamentary (and EP) elections at the end of the Belgian Presidency.

Attitudes of State Actors and Social Groups Towards the Integration Process

Few public officials have a deep understanding of the accession process and the workings of the EU, and their political influence is negligible. Those working at expert level in the field are keen to push the process forward, but do not feel the support of the political leadership. One manifestation of this is that the institutional structure has been inadequate for years to ensure effective functioning, with institutions suffering from staff shortages and a lack of expertise (the Albanian Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs is currently undergoing a complete human resources restructuring, with most middle managers having been removed from their positions). Furthermore, the perception of the EU institutions, and in many cases their leaders, in the Albanian public sector is rather poor. The former Albanian Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs, Olta Xhacka, after her meeting with Isabel Santos (the EP’s Albanian rapporteur), stated in a closed meeting that I.S. was not aware of anything, that the meeting was pointless and that she was not willing to meet him in the future. I.S. did not meet the Albanian Foreign Minister during his next visit to Albania.

 

Negative views on EU institutions and officials are also shared by Albanian opposition politicians. One politician has repeatedly voiced strong criticism of the European Parliament and its representatives. It is worth noting that he blames the slow progress of the accession process not primarily on the Albanian government (!) but on the EU and the member states themselves, who, in his opinion, do not want Albania in their ranks and would not be in a better position even if the country were not led by the current Socialist Party (PS), which they consider corrupt (However, the Albanian political leadership is in good standing and has good relations with EP President Roberta Metsola and her predecessor David Sassoli).

NGO and major business leaders support EU accession because of the positive effects it would have on the Albanian economy and the legal framework for doing business. Members of the group have a deep background in the integration and accession process, but their numbers and policy influence are small.

 

Smaller Albanian entrepreneurs and businessmen do not understand or are not interested in EU accession. The reason is that the grey economy is a significant part of the Albanian economy, with tax evasion and non-compliant (but tolerated by the authorities) operation of businesses. In addition, the introduction of EU rules on production and consumer protection, for example, would also be viewed negatively by the average Albanian citizen.

Accession: Only a Passport to the West?

 

The younger, western-oriented and intellectuals are in favour of EU accession, but they are motivated mainly by the ease of settling and working in western countries. This social group is the most exposed to the growing trend of emigration. Most of them are disappointed with Albanian politics, perceive it as corrupt at all levels and do not believe in the possibility of change. In general, the average Albanian citizen sees only the prospect of easier emigration in EU accession, but cannot identify with the EU’s liberal values and its “over-regulation” of life. The average Albanian citizen is conservative, if not religious, but has that image of himself or herself, and xenophobia and racism are also a feature of society. The much vaunted “openness” of the Albanian people (e.g. on co-existence of religions, women’s equality, LGBTQ+ rights, etc.) in fact only goes as far as it does not directly affect (restrict) the daily lives of individuals. An example of this is migration and the reception of refugees in Albania (MEK, Afghans, Italian-Albanian agreement), which is supported by the government due to Western pressure or other interests, but without social support, although hospitality is often proclaimed as one of the greatest virtues of the Albanian people.

By Christiaan Seegers

While in many other states in the Western Balkans, accession to the European Union is a central question and a source of ambition to take measure, however small or symbolic those might be.

In Albania, a key problem is that a transformation similar to EU accession, which would affect all aspects of life, could only be achieved with the strong support of a powerful and/or broad social group, but such support is currently lacking in Albania.

Edi Rama is a Substantial Braking Force but There is Much More To Be Done Beyond Him

As a consequence, the highly centralised state and its leadership, including Prime Minister Edi Rama, are not under any pressure to do everything possible to achieve full membership as soon as possible. This is borne out by several statements made by Prime Minister Rama, for example in relation to the 2030 deadline for Albania’s accession, which was previously ‘pushed’ by the European Council (and then supported by Enlargement Commissioner Várhelyi). The essence of this is that he does not insist on precise dates, but rather wants to see the process moving forward, backed by real rapprochement, with Albania’s “homework” being fully done.

 

In the near future, there may still be problems that could hamper the Albanian integration process. According to Steven Van Hecke, professor at KU Leuven University in Belgium, there is serious concern that the Albanian community, which has been operating in the black and grey economy, involved in organised crime and accumulating considerable wealth, has started to infiltrate the ‘white economy’, buying property in upmarket neighbourhoods in cities such as Antwerp. It is a telling sign that the Belgian presidency’s priorities include the fight against organised crime, which, by targeting Albanian criminal groups and corruption in the mainland, could stall the negotiations. In the so-called “Metamorphosis” scandal (the hacking of Sky and EncroChat encrypted communication applications widely used by criminal circles, messages confirming links of Albanian businessmen and politicians to organised crime), the Belgian authorities have not yet provided all the evidence. However, it is possible that this will be brought up in the context of the Belgian Presidency priority. The issue of Albanian organised crime may also be raised during the parliamentary (and EP) elections at the end of the Belgian Presidency.

Attitudes of State Actors and Social Groups Towards the Integration Process

Few public officials have a deep understanding of the accession process and the workings of the EU, and their political influence is negligible. Those working at expert level in the field are keen to push the process forward, but do not feel the support of the political leadership. One manifestation of this is that the institutional structure has been inadequate for years to ensure effective functioning, with institutions suffering from staff shortages and a lack of expertise (the Albanian Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs is currently undergoing a complete human resources restructuring, with most middle managers having been removed from their positions). Furthermore, the perception of the EU institutions, and in many cases their leaders, in the Albanian public sector is rather poor. The former Albanian Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs, Olta Xhacka, after her meeting with Isabel Santos (the EP’s Albanian rapporteur), stated in a closed meeting that I.S. was not aware of anything, that the meeting was pointless and that she was not willing to meet him in the future. I.S. did not meet the Albanian Foreign Minister during his next visit to Albania.

 

Negative views on EU institutions and officials are also shared by Albanian opposition politicians. One politician has repeatedly voiced strong criticism of the European Parliament and its representatives. It is worth noting that he blames the slow progress of the accession process not primarily on the Albanian government (!) but on the EU and the member states themselves, who, in his opinion, do not want Albania in their ranks and would not be in a better position even if the country were not led by the current Socialist Party (PS), which they consider corrupt (However, the Albanian political leadership is in good standing and has good relations with EP President Roberta Metsola and her predecessor David Sassoli).

NGO and major business leaders support EU accession because of the positive effects it would have on the Albanian economy and the legal framework for doing business. Members of the group have a deep background in the integration and accession process, but their numbers and policy influence are small.

 

Smaller Albanian entrepreneurs and businessmen do not understand or are not interested in EU accession. The reason is that the grey economy is a significant part of the Albanian economy, with tax evasion and non-compliant (but tolerated by the authorities) operation of businesses. In addition, the introduction of EU rules on production and consumer protection, for example, would also be viewed negatively by the average Albanian citizen.

Accession: Only a Passport to the West?

 

The younger, western-oriented and intellectuals are in favour of EU accession, but they are motivated mainly by the ease of settling and working in western countries. This social group is the most exposed to the growing trend of emigration. Most of them are disappointed with Albanian politics, perceive it as corrupt at all levels and do not believe in the possibility of change. In general, the average Albanian citizen sees only the prospect of easier emigration in EU accession, but cannot identify with the EU’s liberal values and its “over-regulation” of life. The average Albanian citizen is conservative, if not religious, but has that image of himself or herself, and xenophobia and racism are also a feature of society. The much vaunted “openness” of the Albanian people (e.g. on co-existence of religions, women’s equality, LGBTQ+ rights, etc.) in fact only goes as far as it does not directly affect (restrict) the daily lives of individuals. An example of this is migration and the reception of refugees in Albania (MEK, Afghans, Italian-Albanian agreement), which is supported by the government due to Western pressure or other interests, but without social support, although hospitality is often proclaimed as one of the greatest virtues of the Albanian people.

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