At seven thirty in the morning I went out to buy some food and, as I was returning home, the sirens started and after a few minutes there was a very loud explosion. All the rooms in the house shook. My wife and I took refuge in the security room and waited for the attack to end, says Efraim Halevy, former director of the Mossad
The man speaking, from his home north of Tel Aviv, in the area hit hardest by Iranian missiles in the early hours of the morning, is not an ordinary citizen, but Efraim Halevy, 90, the former director of Mossad, the Israeli secret service, which he led from 1998 to 2002. He has been ambassador to the European Union, was head of the Israeli National Security Council under Ariel Sharon, and was sent by five Israeli prime ministers (Shamir, Rabin, Netanyahu, Barak and Sharon). He is known for his contribution to the signing of the peace treaty between Israel and Jordan. “Many of us had good relations with Iran, before the religious clerics took power in 1979, it was a country we visited often, even after the initial hesitation of the Mossad.”
Halevy, tell me: does this day mark the end or the beginning of the war?
“We have a saying here: prophets are fools. And I don’t want to be a fool. But I think we are already at war. We started with the war in Gaza, we are on the verge of the third year and I believe it will continue. And now we are at war with Iran as well.”
The United States said today that the attack had irreversibly damaged the nuclear sites; this afternoon, US officials admitted to the New York Times that the attack on Fordow had not completely destroyed the structure, but had severely damaged it. I understand that you don’t want to play the role of prophet, but what are the scenarios you foresee for the coming weeks?
Much will depend on how Russia and China will react in the near future, as well as other actors involved in the Middle East in one way or another. We must deal with the consequences of this attack, but more than anything, we must confront the internal divisions that are tearing this country apart, as has been the case for some time now. It is as if there are two blocs in Israeli society today, and this clash in the long run could be very harmful for Israel. And no matter how you look at it, the stronger the conflict, the weaker Israel becomes. In this regard, there is a serious problem for the country’s future sustainability.
Israel decided to attack Iran two days before a round of negotiations between the United States and Iran in Oman. The United States, a few days later, decided to join Israel in the war against Iran. Was this an attack on diplomacy, in addition to the Iranian nuclear facilities and the Revolutionary Guard command?
I say this because I think the relationship between Israel and the United States is closer than ever. Because it’s not just Israel that benefits from the United States, it’s the United States that benefits from Israel. I think Israel has played a very, very important role in supporting American interests in this Region, and a few years ago, with the Abraham Accords, we tried to see if we could get some benefit out of them. The United States has been a kind of companion, with Trump in the White House as the promoter. He saw Israel as a resource for the United States, not as a burden.
In 2011, you were clearly against an attack on Iran, saying that “they could only hit Israel, but not the entire Region for 100 years.” In 2021, you pointed out that Netanyahu had made a big mistake in trying to destroy the nuclear deal. You declared: “Look at what happened since Trump abandoned the deal: the situation with Iran has deteriorated a lot. A bad deal is always better than no deal at all. And Netanyahu’s policy on Iran has been a bitter failure.” Do you still believe that?
I think Netanyahu has attacked Iran for two reasons. First, to help the United States, so that they can help us. It is important for Israel to establish and maintain a relationship that guarantees the military supplies we need and that shows our main ally that we are acting in its interests as well.
The second concerns the current and future relations with China. The Chinese are already here, they are in the Mediterranean, they act in different ways, sometimes covertly, sometimes more openly, sometimes trying to avoid being perceived as an imperialist power, but sometimes they don’t succeed. Netanyahu probably wanted to send a message to China as well. I think this is the right diplomatic response that a former Mossad chief would have given. I believe that these two aspects have been decisive in the decision to attack Iran now, at a time when the situation with all the groups it supports is much, much weaker.
A few months ago, on October 7, in an interview with CNN, when you were asked about judicial reform, you said: “I cannot accept that Netanyahu continue to govern the country.” Is Netanyahu the right person to lead this country today?
Let me talk about my criticism of Netanyahu on the very day of his great success, it’s not very wise of me, but okay. My relationship with Netanyahu has been very contentious, very complex. We had a first crisis when I was sent as Rabin’s secret emissary to Jordan, and I was the Israeli ambassador to the United States. And on top of that, there was a clash after the failed assassination attempt on Hamas leader Khaled Mashaal. It’s no secret that I have often criticized Netanyahu for endangering national security just for his own need to glorify himself.
Is Netanyahu the right person to lead Israel?
You know that this country has been going through a deep conflict between those who support Netanyahu and those who do not, for years. Every week there are protests. Hundreds of people come out to protest. Among them is my entire family, my children, my grandchildren. I cannot take anyone else’s place, I do not know how long Netanyahu will survive politically. It is strange to talk about him today, when the country has just carried out a major attack and enjoys American support, but I know that a large part of the country no longer supports him, neither for the war in Gaza, nor for the way he is managing the hostage issue. So, to answer your question, let’s leave it this way: I hope that one day, perhaps before this interview is published, it will be clear to everyone.
You mentioned the hostage issue. In April, along with 250 former Mossad members, you signed a statement calling on the government to make the return of hostages held by Hamas in Gaza a priority, even at the cost of ending the war. How do you think this issue will be resolved? With a deal with Hamas?
I think this is the only way it can work. But Netanyahu will not allow it. He will not allow an agreement that ends the war. He will not allow the end of the war. The families of the hostages know this, they feel this. A part of society is also understanding it (has understood it very clearly).
The last question. How do you see the future of Israel in ten years? It’s the only question a prophet asks.
Let’s make a deal: I promise that in ten years, if I’m still alive, I will answer this question. (The Press)
